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出门在外也不愁From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga (; born Joseph-Desiré Mobutu; 14 October 1930 – 7 September 1997) was the
(which Mobutu renamed
in 1971) from 1965 to 1997. He also served as
Once in power, Mobutu formed an authoritarian regime, amassed vast personal wealth, and attempted to purge the country of all colonial cultural influence, while enjoying considerable support from the United States due to his
During the , Belgian forces aided Mobutu in a coup against the nationalist government of
in 1960 to take control of the government. Lumumba was the first leader in the country to be democratically elected, but he was subsequently deposed in a coup d'état organised by Colonel Mobutu and executed by a
firing squad led by Julien Gat, a Belgian mercenary. Mobutu then assumed the role of army chief of staff, before taking power directly in a second coup in 1965. As part of his program of "national authenticity," Mobutu changed the Congo's name to Zaire in 1971 and his own name to Mobutu Sese Seko in 1972.
Mobutu established a
in which all power was concentrated in his hands. He also became the object of a pervasive . During his reign, Mobutu built a highly centralized state and amassed a large personal fortune through economic exploitation and corruption, leading some to call his rule a "." The nation suffered from uncontrolled inflation, a large debt, and massive currency devaluations. By 1991, economic deterioration and unrest led him to agree to share power with opposition leaders, but he used the army to thwart change until May 1997, when rebel forces led by
expelled him from the country. Already suffering from advanced , he died three months later in .
Mobutu became notorious for corruption, , and the embezzlement of between US$4 billion and $15 billion during his reign, as well as extravagances such as -flown shopping trips to Paris. Mobutu presided over the country for over three decades, a period of widespread human rights violations. He has been described as the "archetypal African dictator."
Mobutu, a member of the
ethnic group, was born in , . Mobutu's mother Marie Madeleine Yemo, was a hotel maid who fled to Lisala to escape the
of a local village chief. There she met and married Albéric Gbemani, a cook for a Belgian judge. Shortly after this she gave birth to Mobutu. The name "Mobutu" was selected by an uncle. Gbemani died when Mobutu was eight.
The wife of the Belgian judge took a liking to Mobutu and taught him to speak, read and write French fluently. Yemo relied on the help of relatives to support her four children, and the family moved often. Mobutu's earliest studies were in , but his mother eventually sent him to an uncle in , where he attended the Christian Brothers School, a Catholic mission boarding school. A physically imposing figure, he dominated school sports. He also excelled in academic subjects and ran the class newspaper. He was also known for his pranks and impish sense of humor. A classmate recalled that when the Belgian priests, whose first language was , made an error in French, Mobutu would leap to his feet in class and point out the mistake. In 1949 Mobutu stowed away aboard a boat to
and met a girl. The priests found him several weeks later. At the end of the school year, in lieu of being sent to prison, he was ordered to serve seven years in the colonial army, the
(FP)--the usual punishment for rebellious students.
Mobutu found discipline in army life, as well as a father figure in Sergeant Joseph Bobozo. Mobutu kept up his studies by borrowing European newspapers from the Belgian officers and books from wherever he could find them, reading them on sentry duty and whenever he had a spare moment. His favorites were the writings of French President , British Prime Minister
and Italian philosopher . After passing a course in accounting, he began to dabble professionally in journalism. Still angry after his clashes with the school priests, he did not marry in a church. His contribution to the wedding festivities was a crate of beer, all his army salary could afford.
As a soldier, Mobutu wrote pseudonymously on contemporary politics for a new magazine set up by a Belgian colonial, . In 1956, he quit the army and became a full-time journalist, writing for the Léopoldville daily . Two years later, he went to Belgium to cover the
and stayed to receive training in journalism. By this time, Mobutu had met many of the young Congolese intellectuals who were challenging colonial rule. He became friendly with
and joined Lumumba's
(MNC). Mobutu eventually became Lumumba's personal aide, though several contemporaries indicate that Belgian intelligence had recruited Mobutu to be an informer.
During the 1960 talks in Brussels on Congolese independence, the US embassy held a reception to gain a better sense of the Congolese delegation. Embassy staff were each assigned a list of delegation members to meet and then discuss their impressions. The ambassador noted, "One name kept coming up. But it wasn't on anyone's list because he wasn't an official delegation member, he was Lumumba's secretary. But everyone agreed that this was an extremely intelligent man, very young, perhaps immature, but a man with great potential."
Main article:
Following the granting of independence on 30 June 1960, a coalition government was formed, led by Prime Minister Lumumba and President . The new nation quickly lurched into the
as the army mutinied against the remaining Belgian officers. Lumumba appointed Mobutu as Chief of Staff of the , the Congolese National Army, under army chief . In that capacity, Mobutu toured the country convincing soldiers to return to their barracks. Encouraged by a Belgian government intent on maintaining its access to rich Congolese mines, secessionist violence erupted in the south.
Concerned that the
sent to help restore order was not helping to crush the secessionists, Lumumba turned to the
for assistance, receiving massive military aid and about a thousand Soviet technical advisers in six weeks. The U.S. government saw the Soviet activity as a maneuver to spread communist influence in Central Africa. Kasa-Vubu was encouraged by the U.S. and Belgium to stage a coup, and so dismissed Lumumba. An outraged Lumumba declared Kasa-Vubu deposed. Both Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu then ordered Mobutu to arrest the other. As Army Chief of Staff, Mobutu came under great pressure from multiple sources. The embassies of Western nations, which helped pay the soldiers' salaries, as well as Kasa-Vubu and Mobutu's subordinates favored getting rid of the Soviet presence.
Mobutu accused Lumumba of pro-communist sympathies, thereby hoping to gain the support of the United States, but Lumumba fled to , where he set up his own government. The USSR again supplied him with weapons and he was able to defend his position. Later, in November 1960, he was captured and sent to . Mobutu still considered him a threat and ordered him to be arrested and beaten publicly on 17 January 1961. He then disappeared from the public view. It was later discovered he was murdered that same day by the secessionist forces of Moise Tshombe after he was turned over by Mobutu's government at the urging of Belgium. As a radical nationalist, Lumumba was seen by the U.S. and its western allies as dangerous to their access to Congo's mineral wealth. Lumumba was executed in the presence of Belgian officers in charge of Tshombe's army.
On 23 January 1961 Kasa-Vubu promoted Mobutu to major- De Witte argues that this was a political move, aimed to strengthen the army, the president's sole support, and Mobutu's position within the army.'
led partisans in another rebellion. They quickly occupied two-thirds of The Congo, but the Congolese army, led by Mobutu, was able to reconquer the entire territory in 1965.
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Prime Minister 's
had won a large majority in the , but Kasa-Vubu appointed an anti-Tshombe leader, , as prime minister-designate. However, Parliament twice refused to confirm him. With the government in near-paralysis, Mobutu seized power in a bloodless coup on 25 November. He had turned 35 a month earlier.
Under the auspices of a regime d'exception (the equivalent of a ), Mobutu assumed sweeping—almost absolute—powers for five years. In his first speech upon taking power, Mobutu told a large crowd at Léopoldville's main stadium that since politicians had brought the country to ruin in five years, "for five years, there will be no more political party activity in the country." Parliament was reduced to a rubber-stamp, before being abolished altogether, though it was later revived. The number of provinces was reduced, and their autonomy curtailed, resulting in a highly centralized state.
A Congolese cotton shirt embellished with a portrait of Mobutu from the collection of the
in Amsterdam
Initially, Mobutu's government was decidedly apolitical, even anti-political. The word "politician" carried negative connotations, and became almost synonymous with someone who was wicked or corrupt. Even so, 1966 saw the debut of the Corps of Volunteers of the Republic, a vanguard movement designed to mobilize popular support behind Mobutu, who was proclaimed the nation's "Second National Hero" after Lumumba. Ironically, given the role he played in Lumumba's ouster, Mobutu strove to present himself as a successor to Lumumba's legacy, and one of the key tenets early in his rule was "authentic Congolese nationalism."
1967 marked the debut of the
(MPR) which until 1990 was the nation's only legal political party. It was officially defined as "the nation politically organized"—in essence, the state was a transmission belt for the party. All citizens automatically became members of the MPR from birth. Among the themes advanced by the MPR in its doctrine, the Manifesto of N'Sele, was nationalism, revolution, and authenticity. Revolution was described as a "truly national revolution, essentially pragmatic," which called for "the repudiation of both capitalism and communism." One of the MPR's slogans was "Neither left nor right," to which would be added "nor even center" in later years. The MPR elected its president every seven years. At the same time, he was automatically nominated as the sole candidate for a seven-year term as presi he was confirmed in office by a referendum. A single list of MPR candidates was returned to the legislature every five years. In practice, this gave the party president—Mobutu—all governing power in the nation.
That same year, all trade unions were consolidated into a single union, the National Union of Zairian Workers, and brought under government control. By Mobutu's own admission, the union would serve as an instrument of support for government policy, rather than as a force for confrontation. Independent trade unions were illegal until 1991.
Facing many challenges early in his rule, Mobutu was able to turn most opposition into submissi those he could not co-opt, he dealt with forcefully. In 1966 four cabinet members were arrested on charges of complicity in an attempted coup, tried by a military tribunal, and publicly executed in an open-air spectacle witnessed by over 50,000 people. Uprisings by former Katangan gendarmeries were crushed, as was an aborted revolt led by white mercenaries in 1967. By 1970, nearly all potential threats to his authority had been smashed, and for the most part, law and order was brought to nearly all parts of the country. That year marked the pinnacle of Mobutu's legitimacy and power. King , made a highly successful state visit to . That same year
were held. The MPR was the only party allowed to run, even though the constitution stated that two parties should have been allowed. According to official figures, an implausible 98.33% of voters voted in favor of the MPR list. For the presidential election, Mobutu was the only candidate, and voters were offered two ballot choices: green for hope, and red for chaos: Mobutu won with a vote of 10,131,699 to 157.
As he consolidated power Mobutu set up several military forces whose sole purpose was to protect him. These included the ,
Main article:
Flag of Zaire
Embarking on a campaign of pro-Africa cultural awareness, or , Mobutu began renaming the cities of the Congo starting on 1 June 1966; Leopoldville became Kinshasa, Elisabethville became Lubumbashi, and Stanleyville became Kisangani. In October 1971, he renamed the country the . He ordered the people to drop their European names for African ones, and priests were warned that they would face five years' imprisonment if they were caught
a Zairean child with a European name. Western attire and ties were banned, and men were forced to wear a
known as an
(shorthand for à bas le costume--"down with the suit").
In 1972, Mobutu renamed himself Mobutu Sese Seko Nkuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga ("The all-powerful warrior who, because of his endurance and inflexible will to win, goes from conquest to conquest, leaving fire in his wake."), Mobutu Sese Seko for short. It was also around this time that he assumed his classic image—abacost, thick-framed glasses, walking stick and leopard-skin .
Mobutu Sese Seko with the Dutch
Early in his rule[], Mobutu consolidated power by publicly executing political rivals, secessionists, coup plotters, and other threats to his rule. To set an example, many were
before large audiences, including former Prime Minister , who, with three cabinet members – Jér?me Anany (Defense Minister), Emmanuel Bamba (Finance Minister), and Alexandre Mahamba (Minister of Mines and Energy) – was tried in May 1966, and sent to the gallows on 30 May, before an audience of 50,000 spectators. The men were executed on charges of being in contact with Colonel Alphonse Bangala and Major Pierre Efomi, for the purpose of planning a coup. Mobutu explained the executions as follows: "One had to strike through a spectacular example, and create the conditions of regime discipline. When a chief takes a decision, he decides – period."
In 1968 , Lumumba's Minister of Education and a rebel leader during the 1964 , was lured out of exile in
on the assumption that he would be amnestied, but was tortured and killed by Mobutu's forces. While Mulele was still alive, his eyes were gouged out, his genitals were ripped off, and his limbs were amputated one by one. Mobutu later moved away from torture and murder, and switched to a new tactic, buying off political rivals. He used the slogan "Keep your friends close, but your enemies closer still" to describe his tactic of co-opting political opponents through bribery. A favorite Mobutu tactic was to play "musical chairs," rotating members of his government, switching the cabinet roster constantly to ensure that no one would pose a threat to his rule. Another tactic was to arrest and sometimes torture dissident members of the government, only to later pardon them and reward them with high office. The most famous example of this treatment is , who was fired as foreign minister in 1977, sentenced to death, and tortured. Mobutu then commuted his sentence to life imprisonment, released him after a year, and later appointed him prime minister. Nguza fled the country in 1981 only to return in 1985, first serving as Zaire's ambassador to the U.S. and later as foreign minister.
In 1972 Mobutu tried unsuccessfully to have himself named . In an order signed by General Likulia Bolongo raising President Mobutu to the rank of Marshal, , in his capacity as Vice-President of the Bureau of the Central Committee, second authority in the land, addressed a speech filled with praise for President Mobutu.
He initially
foreign-owned firms and forced European investors out of the country. In many cases he handed the management of these firms to relatives and close associates who stole the companies' assets. This precipitated such an economic slump that Mobutu was forced by 1977 to try to woo foreign investors back. Katangan rebels based in
invaded Zaire in 1977 in retaliation for Mobutu's support for anti- rebels. France airlifted 1,500 Moroccan paratroopers into the country and repulsed the rebels, ending . The rebels attacked Zaire again, in greater numbers, in the
invasion of 1978. The governments of
and France deployed troops with logistical support from the United States and defeated the rebels again.
Bank note of Zaire depicting Mobutu Sese Seko
He was re-elected in single-candidate elections in
and . He spent most of his time increasing his personal fortune, which in 1984 was estimated to amount to US$5 billion, most of it in
(however, a comparatively small $3.4 million has been found after his ousting). This was almost equivalent to the country's foreign debt at the time, and, by 1989, the government was forced to default on international loans from Belgium. He owned a fleet of
vehicles that he used to travel between his numerous palaces, while the nation's roads rotted and many of his people starved. Infrastructure virtually collapsed, and many public service workers went months without being paid. Most of the money was siphoned off to Mobutu, his family, and top political and military leaders. Only the
– on whom his physical safety depended – was paid adequately or regularly. A popular saying that the civil servants pretended to work while the state pretended to pay them expressed this grim reality.
Another feature of Mobutu's economic mismanagement, directly linked to the way he and his friends siphoned off so much of the country's wealth, was rampant inflation. The rapid decline in the real value of salaries strongly encouraged a culture of corruption and dishonesty among public servants of all kinds.
Mobutu was known for his opulent lifestyle. He cruised on the Congo on his yacht Kamanyola. In
he erected a palace, the "Versailles of the jungle". For shopping trips to Paris he would charter a
and had the
constructed with a runway long enough to accommodate the Concorde's extended take off and landing requirements. In 1989, Mobutu chartered Concorde aircraft F-BTSD for a 26 June – 5 July trip to give a speech at the United Nations in New York City, 16 July for French bicentennial celebrations in Paris (where he was a guest of President ), on 19 September for a flight from Paris to Gbadolite, and another nonstop flight from Gbadolite to Marseille with the youth choir of Zaire.
Mobutu's rule earned a reputation as one of the world's foremost examples of
and . Close relatives and fellow members of the Ngbandi tribe were awarded with high positions in the military and government, and he groomed his eldest son, Nyiwa, to succeed him as P however, this was thwarted by Nyiwa's death from AIDS in 1994. He led one of the most enduring dictatorial regimes in Africa and amassed a personal fortune estimated to be over US$5 billion by selling his nation's rich natural resources while his nation's people lived in poverty. As such he is regarded as one of the most corrupt leaders in history and is a foremost example of . While in office, he formed an authoritarian regime responsible for numerous human rights violations, attempted to purge the country of all Belgian cultural influences and maintained an
stance to gain positive international diplomacy.
10 Makuta coin depicting Mobutu Sese Seko
He was also the subject of one of the most pervasive personality cults of the 20th century. The evening news on television was preceded by an image of him descending through clouds like a god descending from the heavens. Portraits of him adorned many public places, and government officials wore lapels bearing his portrait. He held such titles as "Father of the Nation," "Messiah," "Guide of the Revolution," "Helmsman," "Founder," "Savior of the People," and "Supreme Combatant." In the 1996 documentary of the 1974 Foreman-Ali fight in Zaire, dancers receiving the fighters can be heard chanting "Sese Seko, Sese Seko." At one point, in early 1975, the media was even forbidden from mentioning by name anyone but M others were referred to only by the positions they held.
Mobutu was able to successfully capitalize on
tensions and gain significant support from Western countries like the United States and international organizations such as the .
In May 1990, due to the ending of the Cold War and a change in the international political climate, as well as economic problems and domestic unrest, Mobutu agreed to end the ban on other political parties. He appointed a transitional government that would lead to promised elections but he retained substantial powers. Following riots in Kinshasa by unpaid soldiers, Mobutu brought opposition figures into a coalition government but he still connived to retain control of the security services and important ministries. Factional divisions led to the creation of two governments in 1993, one pro and one anti-Mobutu. The anti-Mobutu government was headed by
of the . The economic situation was still dreadful, and, in 1994, the two groups joined as the High Council of Republic – Parliament of Transition (HCR-PT). Mobutu appointed , an advocate of
reforms, as prime minister. Mobutu was becoming increasingly physically frail and during one of his absences for medical treatment in Europe,
captured much of eastern Zaire.
Mobutu was overthrown in the
by , who was supported by the governments of Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda.
When Mobutu's government issued an order in November 1996 forcing Tutsis to leave Zaire on penalty of death, the ethnic Tutsis in Zaire, known as , were the focal point of a rebellion. From eastern Zaire, the rebels and foreign government forces under the leadership of President
and Rwandan Minister of Defense
launched an offensive to overthrow Mobutu, joining forces with locals opposed to him as they marched west toward Kinshasa.
Ailing with cancer, Mobutu was in
for treatment, unable to coordinate the resistance, which crumbled in front of the march.
By mid-1997, Kabila's forces had almost completely overrun the country. On 16 May 1997, following a failed peace talks held in
on board the
and President of South Africa
who chaired the talks, Mobutu fled into exile. Kabila's forces, known as the
(ADFL), proclaimed victory the next day. However, Mobutu was lucky to have held out even for that long. What was left of his army offered almost no resistance, and the only thing slowing the AFDL advance was the country's decrepit infrastructure. In several areas, no the only means of transport were irregularly used dirt roads. Zaire was renamed the .
Mobutu had the remains of assassinated Rwandan president
stored in a mausoleum in . On 12 May 1997, as Kabila's rebels were advancing on Gbadolite, Mobutu had the remains flown by cargo plane from his mausoleum to Kinshasa where they waited on the tarmac of
for three days. On 16 May, the day before Mobutu fled Zaire, Habyarimana's remains were burned under the supervision of an Indian
Mobutu went into temporary exile in
but lived mostly in . He died on 7 September 1997, in , Morocco, from . He is buried in Rabat, in the Christian cemetery known as "Pax".
In December 2007, the
recommended returning his remains to the Congo and interring them in a mausoleum.
On the same day Mobutu fled into exile,
became the new president of Congo. Kabila was assassinated in 2001 and succeeded by his son, .
Mobutu's palace in his hometown of , ransacked after his deposition, photographed in c.2010
Mobutu was infamous for looting his country to the tune of billions of US dollars. According to the most conservative estimates, he stole US$4–5 billion from his country, and some sources put the figure as high as US$15 billion. According to Mobutu's son-in-law, Pierre Janssen—the husband of Mobutu's daughter Yaki—Mobutu had no concern for the cost of the expensive gifts he gave away to his cronies. Janssen married Yaki in a lavish ceremony that included three orchestras, a US$65,000 wedding cake and a giant fireworks display. Yaki wore a US$70,000 wedding gown and US$3 million worth of jewels. Janssen wrote a book describing Mobutu's daily routine—which included several daily bottles of wine, retainers flown in from overseas and lavish meals.
According to , Mobutu embezzled over US$5 billion from his country, ranking him as the third-most corrupt leader since 1984 and the most corrupt African leader during the same period.
Mobutu had really staged a funeral for a generation of African leadership of which he—the Dinosaur, as he had long been known—was the paragon: the client dictator of
neocolonialism, monomaniacal, perfectly corrupt, and absolutely ruinous to his nation.
Mobutu also was one of the men who was instrumental in bringing the famous
match between
to Zaire on 30 October 1974. According to the documentary , promoter
promised each fighter US$5 million for the fight. Mobutu was the only one who was willing to put up that kind of money. Mobutu, wanting to expand his country's image, put up the nation's money to do so. According to a quote in the film, Ali supposedly said: "Some countries go to war to get their names out there, and wars cost a lot more than $10 million."
Main article:
Relations between Zaire and Belgium wavered between close intimacy and open hostility during the Mobutu years. Relations soured early in Mobutu's rule over disputes involving the substantial Belgian commercial and industrial holdings in the country, but relations warmed soon afterwards. Mobutu and his family were received as personal guests of the Belgian monarch in 1968, and a convention for scientific and technical cooperation was signed that same year. During 's highly successful visit to
in 1970, a treaty of friendship and cooperation between the two countries was signed. However, Mobutu tore up the treaty in 1974 in protest at Belgium's refusal to ban an anti-Mobutu book written by left-wing lawyer . Mobutu's "" policy, which expropriated foreign-held businesses and transferred their ownership to Zairians, added to the strain.
As the second largest French-speaking country in the world and the largest one in
Zaire was of great strategic interest to France. During the
era, France tended to side with the conservative and federalist forces, as opposed to unitarists such as Lumumba. Shortly after the
secession was successfully crushed, Zaire (then called the Republic of the Congo), signed a treaty of technical and cultural cooperation with France. During the
of , relations with the two countries gradually grew stronger and closer. In 1971, Finance Minister
paid a visit to Z later, after becoming President, he would develop a close personal relationship with President Mobutu, and became one of the regime's closest foreign allies. During the Shaba invasions, France sided firmly with Mobutu: during the , France airlifted 1,500 Moroccan troops to Zaire, and the
a year later, during the , France itself would send
paratroopers () to aid Mobutu (along with Belgium).
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Initially, Zaire's relationship with the People's Republic of China was no better than its relationship with the Soviet Union. Memories of Chinese aid to Mulele and other Maoist rebels in Kwilu province during the ill-fated
remained fresh in Mobutu's mind. He also opposed seating the PRC at the United Nations. However, by 1972, he began to see the Chinese in a different light, as a counterbalance to both the Soviet Union as well as his intimate ties with the United States, , and South Africa. In November 1972, Mobutu extended diplomatic recognition to the Chinese (as well as
and ). The following year, Mobutu paid a visit to Beijing, where he met personally with chairman
and received promises of $100 million in technical aid. In 1974, Mobutu made a surprise visit to both China and North Korea, during the time he was originally scheduled to visit the Soviet Union. Upon returning home, both his politics and rhetoric became m it was around this time that Mobutu began criticizing Belgium and the United States (the latter for not doing enough, in Mobutu's opinion, to combat white minority rule in southern Africa), introduced the "obligatory civic work" program called salongo, and initiated "radicalization" (an extension of 1973's "Zairianization" policy). Mobutu even borrowed a title – the Helmsman – from Mao. Incidentally, late 1974-early 1975 was when his personality cult reached its peak.
China and Zaire shared a common goal in Central Africa, namely doing everything in their power to halt Soviet gains in the area. Accordingly, both Zaire and China covertly funneled aid to the FNLA (and later, UNITA) in order to prevent the , who were supported and augmented by , from coming to power. The Cubans, who exercised considerable influence in Africa in support of leftist and anti-imperialist forces, were heavily sponsored by the Soviet Union during the period. In addition to inviting Holden Roberto and his guerrillas to Beijing for training, China provided weapons and money to the rebels. Zaire itself launched an ill-fated, pre-emptive invasion of Angola in a bid to install a pro-Kinshasa government, but was repulsed by Cuban troops. The expedition was a fiasco with far-reaching repercussions, most notably the Shaba I and Shaba II invasions, both of which China opposed. China sent military aid to Zaire during both invasions, and accused the Soviet Union and Cuba (who were alleged to have supported the Shaban rebels, although this was and remains speculation) of working to de-stabilize Central Africa.
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Mobutu's relationship with the Soviet Union was frosty and tense. Mobutu, a staunch anticommunist, was not anxious to recognize the S the USSR had supported, though mostly in words, , Mobutu's democratically elected predecessor, and the Simba rebels. However, to project a non-aligned image, he did renew ties in 1967; the first Soviet ambassador arrived and presented his credentials in 1968. Mobutu did, however, join the United States in condemning the
that year. Mobutu viewed the Soviet presence as advantageous for two reasons: it allowed him to maintain an image of non-alignment, and it provided a convenient scapegoat for problems at home. For example, in 1970, he expelled four Soviet diplomats for carrying out "subversive activities," and in 1971, twenty Soviet officials were declared
for allegedly instigating student demonstrations at Lovanium University.
Moscow was the only major world capital Mobutu never visited, although he did accept an invitation to do so in 1974. For reasons unknown, he cancelled the visit at the last minute, and toured the People's Republic of China and North Korea instead.
Relations cooled further in 1975, when the two countries found themselves on opposing sides in the . This had a dramatic effect on Zairian foreign policy bereft of his claim to African leadership (Mobutu was one of the few leaders who refused to recognize the Marxist government of Angola), Mobutu turned increasingly to the U.S. and its allies, adopting pro-American stances on such issues as the , and 's position in international organizations.
Mobutu Sese Seko and
in Washington, D.C., 1973.
For the most part, Zaire enjoyed warm relations with the United States. The United States was the third largest donor of aid to Zaire (after Belgium and France), and Mobutu befriended several US presidents, including , , and . Relations did cool significantly in
over Mobutu's increasingly radical rhetoric (which included his scathing denunciations of American foreign policy), and plummeted to an all-time low in the summer of 1975, when Mobutu accused the
of plotting his overthrow and arrested eleven senior Zairian generals and several civilians, and condemned (in absentia) a former head of the Central Bank (Albert N'dele). However, many people viewed these cha in fact, one of Mobutu's staunchest critics, Nzongola-Ntalaja, speculated that Mobutu invented the plot as an excuse to purge the military of talented officers who might otherwise pose a threat to his rule. In spite of these hindrances, the chilly relationship quickly thawed when both countries found each other supporting the same side during the .
Because of Mobutu's poor human rights record, the
put some distance between itself even so, Zaire received nearly half the foreign aid Carter allocated to . During the first Shaba invasion, the United States played a relatively
its belated intervention consisted of little more than the delivery of non-lethal supplies. But during the second Shaba invasion, the US played a much more active and decisive role by providing transportation and logistical support to the French and Belgian paratroopers that were deployed to aid Mobutu against the rebels. Carter echoed Mobutu's (unsubstantiated) charges of Soviet and Cuban aid to the rebels, until it was apparent that no hard evidence existed to verify his claims. In 1980, the
voted to terminate military aid to Zaire, but the
reinstated the funds, in response to pressure from Carter and American business interests in Zaire.
Mobutu enjoyed a very warm relationship with the , through financial donations. During Reagan's presidency, Mobutu visited the
three times, and criticism of Zaire's human rights record by the US was effectively muted. During a state visit by Mobutu in 1983, Reagan praised the Zairian strongman as "a voice of good sense and goodwill."
Mobutu also had a cordial relationship with Reagan's successor, George H. W. B he was the first African head of state to visit Bush at the . Even so, Mobutu's relationship with the US radically changed shortly afterward with the end of the . With the
gone, there was no longer any reason to support Mobutu as a bulwark against communism. Accordingly, the US and other Western powers began pressuring Mobutu to democratize the regime. Regarding the change in US attitude to his regime, Mobutu bitterly remarked: "I am the latest victim of the cold war, no longer needed by the US. The lesson is that my support for American policy counts for nothing." In 1993, Mobutu was denied a
after he sought to visit Washington, DC.
Mobutu also had friends in America outside Washington. Mobutu was befriended by televangelist , who promised to try to get the State Department to lift its ban on the African leader.
Mobutu was married twice. His first wife, Marie-Antoinette Mobutu, died of
on 22 October 1977 in ,
at age 36. On 1 May 1980, he married his mistress, Bobi Ladawa, on the eve of a visit by , thus legitimizing his relationship in the eyes of the . Two of his sons from his first marriage died during his lifetime, Nyiwa (d. 16 September 1994) and Konga (d. 1992). Two more died in the years following his death:
(d. 24 September 1998), and Manda (d. 27 November 2004). His elder son from his second marriage, , now the head of the family, was a candidate in the
and later served in the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo as Minister of State for Agriculture. A daughter, Yakpwa (nicknamed Yaki), was briefly married to a Belgian man named Pierre Janssen, who later wrote a book which described Mobutu's lifestyle in vivid detail.
Altogether, Mobutu had at least fourteen children. On trips across Zaire he appropriated the
(right to deflower) as local chiefs this practice was considered an honor for the virgin's family.
This section does not
any . Please help improve this section by . Unsourced material may be challenged and . (October 2012)
Mobutu was the subject of the three-part documentary
by . Mobutu was also featured in the feature film , directed by , which detailed the pre-coup and coup years from the perspective of Lumumba. Mobutu featured in the documentary , which centred around the famed
boxing bout between
for the 1974
championship of the world. The bout took place in Kinshasa, Zaire during Mobutu's rule. Mobutu also might be considered as the inspiration behind some of the characters in the works of the poetry of , the novel
by . , father of actress , was once a personal physician to Mobutu and wrote a book focusing on his service in Zaire.'s 1998 historical novel
depicts the events of the
from a fictional standpoint, featuring the role of Mobutu in the crisis.
The name translates as "The warrior who leaves a trail of fire in his path" or "The warrior who knows no defeat because of his endurance and inflexible will and is all powerful, leaving fire in his wake as he goes from conquest to conquest".
. BBC 2010. 00.36.57
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. . 15 May 2013.
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Robert Edgerton (2002). . Macmillan.  .
(2009) In the Footsteps of Mr Kurtz: Living on the Brink of Disaster in Mobutu's Congo. HarperCollins. . pp. 70–72
Wrong, pp. 72–74
Wrong, pp. 74–75
Wrong, p. 75
Crawford Young and Thomas Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State, p. 175
Wrong, pp. 76
Wrong, p. 67
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French, Howard W. (17 May 1997). . The New York Times on the Web 2012.
Callaghy, Thomas M. The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective, p. 164
Shaw 2005, 63.
There are multiple translations of the full name, including "the all-powerful warrior who, because of his endurance and inflexible will to win, will go from conquest to conquest leaving fire in his wake," "the earthy, the peppery, all-powerful warrior who, by his endurance and will to win, goes from contest to contest leaving fire in his wake" and "the man who flies from victory to victory and leaves nothing behind him"&& and "the all-powerful warrior who goes from conquest to conquest, leaving fire in his wake" (Wrong, p. 4)
Young and Turner, p. 57
Wrong, Michela (2002). In The Footsteps of Mr. Kurtz: Living on the Brink of Disaster in Mobutu's Congo. Perennial. . p. 90
, , 31 October 2009
As detailed in: . Mobutu ou l'Incarnation du Mal Zairois. Bellew Publishing Co Ltd. . See also .
Young and Turner, p. 211
. BBC News (11 March 2014). Retrieved on 23 April 2014.
Fortune, 12 October 1987, p. 189
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(archived 1 November 2005). Le Faso. 24 December 2004
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Edgerton, Robert. The Troubled Heart of Africa: A History of the Congo. .
. State.gov. Retrieved on 23 April 2014.
Atzili, Boaz (2012) Good Fences, Bad Neighbors: Border Fixity and International Conflict. University Of Chicago Press.
Dipiazza, Francesca Davis (2007) Democratic Republic of Congo in Pictures. Twenty First Century Books. . p. 35
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French, Howard W. (16 May 1997) . New York Times.
, Panapress, 17 December 2007 (French).
But after his death the Swiss Government has claimed that Mobutu's legacy was just evaluated at 5.3 million US dollars.
Young and Turner, p. 172
. Lcweb2.loc.gov. Retrieved on 23 April 2014.
Meredith, Martin (2005). The Fate of Africa: From the Hopes of Freedom to the Heart of Despair. PublicAffairs. . p. 525
. Lcweb2.loc.gov (8 March 1977). Retrieved on 23 April 2014.
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by Lieutenant Colonel Thomas P. Odom
Callagy, Thomas M. (1983) South Africa in Southern Africa: The Intensifying Vortex of Violence. Praeger.
Leslie, Winsome J. (1993) "Zaire in the International Arena" in Zaire: Continuity and Political Change in an Oppressive State. .
Young and Turner, p. 372
Elliot and Dymally, p. 150
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Lamb, David (1987) The Africans, Vintage, , p. 46
Young and Turner, p. 389
Elliot and Dymally, p. 88
. Metroactive (24 April 1990). Retrieved on 23 April 2014.
. Heritage.org. Retrieved on 23 April 2014.
Zagorin, Adam. (24 June 2001) . Time. Retrieved on 23 April 2014.
. New York Amsterdam News. 24 May 1997.
17 May 2013 at the .
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. . , 2012. p. 384f.  .
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( biography by )
, Allan Little, , BBC News, 24 May 1997.
(2000) – Film about the rise of the independent Congo/Zaire.
in 2001 – article in English
Political offices
Preceded by
as President of the Republic of the Congo
(before 1971 )
24 November 1965 – 16 May 1997
Succeeded by
as President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
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